However, despite the counsel and advice from American death chair Woodrow Wilson, both France and Great Britain were determined to exact a laborious price from Germany. The disastrous 1919 Treaty of Versailles basically laid the constitutional responsibility of the war at the feet of the German Empire. Germany was forbidden to take a large standing army, was to be tightly controlled politically, and was obligate to sign an agreement to pay war reparations. The amount Germany was charge was staggering; certainly any country trying to system a new politics afterwards a crushing war would not be able to keep up with such debt.4 This was later to prove significant in the dislocation of Weimar.
3 A.J. Nicholls, Weimar and the Rise of Hitler, (London: Macmillan Press, 1968), 1.
4 Gordon Craig, Germany, 18661945, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), 42432.
As with many countries after war, Germany in 1918 was vulnerable to revolutionary activity. During th
Hitler was a shrewd politician, and he realized that the internal discontentment with Weimar could be turned to the advantage of the national socialist Party.
With tremendous campaigning, the elections of 1930 brought the Nazi Party membership in the German Reichstag from 12 to 107, thereof becoming the second largest party in the Weimar government. By 1932, German unemployment had risen to 6 million, and although Hitler lost the presidency to an aging Hindenburg, he captured enough of a majority to demand that he be named Chancellor.16
e next few years, Germany was indeed plagued with revolutionary activity, in the main from the communist left. By mid1919, however, German republican loyalists had savagely murdered many of the socialist leaders, and after the signing of Versailles, Germany fix itself a bit more stable. The revolution, unsuccessful as it was, did earmark Germany with a Republic and an armistice. In this face of adversity, the new Weimar government promised reform, and looked as if it would be far more egalitarian than its purplish predecessor.5
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