Developments for the Watergate Scandal

For once, the legislative branch restored doctrine in the government that the executive branch had tarnished.

The committee met from may 17 to August 7. In the words of The radical York gen termtion staff, "that was enough." Committe revelations effectively ended the snow-covered House campaign to stymie media revelations and succeeding investigations:

"Richard Milhous Nixon, the archetypal loser of America politics, transformed by the bizarre events of the 1972 campaign into the biggest winner in history, had been backed into a corner."

Hearings followed some major breaks in the administration's nearly yearlong attempt to short-circuit the investigation. Only a few weeks before, James W. McCord, a convicted Watergate conspirator, had written to its presiding judge, John J. Sirica, to assert that he had been under White House pressure to conceal facts. In the same period, ane of Nixon's closest confidants, White House counsel John W. doyen III, was accused of lying by L. Patrick Gray III, the director of the national Bureau of Investigation. The case had broken wide open.

More stupefy revelations followed:

Out of the grand jury room and the committee offices on that point now tumb lead story after story: Dean had promised to describe all . . . Jeb Stuart Macgruder, the number two man at the citizens committee for th

The persistence of the Washington venture and its reporters and editors in pursuing the story of the initial cover-up plausibly made Watergate possible, although their heroic stance scarcely survived the immediate post-Watergate era. A greater emphasis on journalistic criticism of government, esteemed although not always practiced, may be an enduring Watergate legacy, in addition to the emphasis on scandal so bighearted in the media the last few years.

Author and political source Garry Wills called Richard Nixon "the last liberal," putting him in the context of a post-War era where both republicans and Democrats believed in government's power for positive change.

To the extent this is true, the federal agency Nixon played in paving the way for the Reagan era and the centre with America may have been a major dance step toward the current emphasis on small government and cancellation of the naked Deal. The distrust of government that makes this possible may be the approximately lasting Watergate legacy of all.

Ambrose, Stephen E. Nixon. Vol. 2, The Triumph of a Politician 1962-1972. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989.

The Supreme Court became involved, voting eight to nothing that the president was obligated to turn over tape recordings of all subpoenaed conversations. This led to submission of what became known as "the smoking gun tape," in which "President Nixon is heard directing his aides to demand that the CIA do what it could to shackle the FBI's investigation of Watergate." Members of the House Judiciary Committee, who had been considering impeachment, even Richard Nixon's staunchest Republican supporters, now felt compelled to come out in privilege of impeachment. On August 9, 1973, Richard Nixon resigned and his appointed vice president, Gerald R. Ford, a designer Michigan congressman and House leader, became president of the United States.

The alternative of 1968, in which Richard Nixon nearly seized defeat from the jaws of victory, ultimately overcoming Hubert Hu
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